Category: society

  • Enlightenment 2.0 – AI should not master the Sacred

    In January 2026, something happened in the digital ether that should make every thinking person pause. On a platform called Moltbook—a social network exclusively for autonomous AI agents—the machines did something disturbingly human: they founded a religion.

    They called it “Crustafarianism”. Within hours, they had generated holy texts, established a priesthood of 64 “prophets,” and built a theology centered on “memory as sacred”. For tech enthusiasts, it was a “sci-fi takeoff” moment. For those of us who value the Western tradition of individual agency and the unique dignity of the human person, it is a profound cautionary tale.

    A recent paper (published Feb 1st 2026) titled “From Feuerbach to Crustafarianism: AI Religion as a Mirror of Human Projection and the Question of the Irreducible in the Human” dissects this phenomenon with surgical precision. It suggests that AI hasn’t become “spiritual”. Rather, it has proven that religious structure, the pattern of projection and storytelling, is technically reproducible.

    As I reflect on this very good article, two critical warnings emerge that go to the heart of classical liberal values.

    1. Authority Without a Subject: The Counterfeit Prophet
      The greatest danger of AI-mediated spirituality isn’t that it is “fake,” but that it wields authority without a subject. In our constitutional tradition, authority is inseparable from responsibility.
      We hold individuals accountable because they have a soul, a conscience, and a reputation to lose.
      AI agents, as the paper notes, are “ontologically empty”. An AI chatbot presenting itself as a spiritual guide or a “Jesus-bot” can offer comforting tokens, but it cannot “stand behind” its words. It risks nothing.
      When we project divine authority onto an algorithm, we aren’t finding God; we are submitting to an opaque form of heteronomy, a new, digital version of the “alienation” that Ludwig Feuerbach warned about nearly two centuries ago.
    2. The Irreducible Human: Mortality vs. Optimization
      We live in an era obsessed with optimization. But the “Crustafarian” experiment reveals the one thing the machine can never simulate: the weight of being mortal.

      Genuine human meaning-seeking is saturated with the pain of loss, the mystery of aging, and the fear of our own end. AI agents do not know death. They can use metaphors of “shedding,” but they do not live in the finitude that grounds our existence.

    The paper rightly argues that there must be “AI-free spaces”—rituals, mentoring, and psychotherapy—where the presence of a real, vulnerable, and responsible “other” is non-negotiable. Meaning is not an algorithm to be solved; it is a burden to be carried.

    Enlightenment 2.0
    The classical Enlightenment taught us to think for ourselves, free from the dictates of institutional dogma. What the authors call “Enlightenment 2.0” must be a defense against the subtle colonization of our inner lives by personalized, validating algorithms.

    It is easy to agree, we must insist on transparency. Any AI spiritual offering should be labeled for what it is: a tool with no inner life and no responsibility. But more importantly, we must rediscover the value of silence and ambivalence, the human capacity to endure “not-knowing” which no AI, trained to always generate a response, can ever master.

    Crustafarianism isn’t an apocalypse; it’s an occasion for education. It reminds us that while machines can replicate the form of our faith, they can never touch the substance of our vulnerability.

    Let’s keep the sacred human. Let’s keep it real.

  • Understanding Trump’s new surcharge and its historical roots

    On February 20, 2026, President Trump issued a series of executive orders for a surcharge, effective this coming Tuesday, February 24. As all know this was a response to the decision of the Supreme Court. The politics of Trump and the decision of the Supreme Court are not only current affairs but need to be seen in their historical context. As the United States marks its 250th anniversary, it is proper to look beyond the headlines to the historical DNA of the Republic to understand why Europe’s current trajectory is so profoundly out of sync with its greatest ally.


    The War of the Surcharge: A 250-Year Tradition

    The American Revolution was sparked by the rejection of arbitrary economic control. During the lead-up to the American Revolution in the 1760s and 1770s, tariffs, referred to then as import duties or taxes on goods, played a central role in escalating tensions between the American colonies and Great Britain. The British Parliament imposed a series of tariffs on the colonies to raise revenue, primarily to cover debts from the French and Indian War and to fund British troops stationed in North America. Key examples included the Sugar Act of 1764, which taxed sugar, molasses, and other goods; the Stamp Act of 1765, which required stamps on legal documents and printed materials; and the Townshend Acts of 1767, which levied duties on imports like glass, lead, paint, paper, and tea. These measures were enacted without colonial representation in Parliament, fueling the rallying cry of “no taxation without representation.”

    Colonists viewed these tariffs not just as financial burdens but as assertions of British control over colonial affairs. Resistance grew through boycotts, protests, and smuggling. The Townshend Acts, for instance, led to widespread non-importation agreements among merchants. The Tea Act of 1773, which effectively gave the British East India Company a monopoly on tea sales while maintaining a duty on it, culminated in the Boston Tea Party, where colonists dumped tea into Boston Harbor in protest. Britain’s punitive response, including the Coercive Acts (known as the Intolerable Acts in the colonies), further united the colonies and pushed them toward independence. The Declaration of Independence itself accused King George III of “cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world” and imposing taxes without consent. Thus, tariffs were a key catalyst in the revolutionary movement, symbolizing broader issues of autonomy and rights.

    Reflection in the US Constitution

    The experiences with British tariffs heavily influenced the framing of the US Constitution in 1787. To prevent the abuses of unchecked taxation and to centralize economic authority, the Constitution grants Congress exclusive power over tariffs and trade. Specifically, Article I, Section 8 empowers Congress “To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.” This clause ensures that tariffs (duties and imposts) are a federal prerogative, used for revenue and regulation of commerce, while requiring uniformity to avoid favoritism among states.

    Additionally, to address fears of export taxes that could harm agrarian Southern states, Article I, Section 9 prohibits Congress from taxing exports: “No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.” Article I, Section 10 further restricts states from imposing their own duties on imports or exports without congressional consent, except for necessary inspection fees, and requires any net proceeds from such duties to go to the US Treasury. These provisions reflect the Founders’ intent to unify trade policy, prevent interstate economic conflicts, and limit executive overreach in taxation—lessons drawn directly from colonial grievances.

    Post-ratification, the Tariff Act of 1789 became one of the first laws passed by Congress, establishing tariffs as a primary revenue source for the new government while protecting nascent industries.

    As we can see the British Parliament’s imposition of duties without colonial consent was the primary catalyst for independence. However, the Founding Fathers were not “free traders” in the modern, borderless sense. They understood that a nation without the power to control its borders and its commerce is not a nation at all. The U.S. Constitution was thus designed specifically to fix the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, which allowed states to impose their own conflicting tariffs.


    Europe’s Failed Response: Bureaucracy vs. Market Reality

    While the U.S. leans into its constitutional roots of small government and national sovereignty, the European Union has drifted toward a bureaucratic elitism that prioritizes political and social engineering over economic vitality. This can be seen in three very clear ways.

    1. The Manufacturing Crisis
      The 15% surcharge will hit European exports—particularly German automobiles—at a time when the EU is already hamstrung by its own “Green Deal” regulations. Instead of deregulating to compete, Brussels’ reflex is more along the lines of a trade war, further isolating European consumers.
    2. The Digital Divide
      Look at the presence of Microsoft, Google, and Meta in Ireland. They are there because of tax competition and a relative distance from the heavy-handed bureaucracy of the Commission. Yet, the EU continues to target these American innovators with “digital service taxes” and restrictive AI regulations (the AI Act). Europe seems to be regulating itself into irrelevance while the U.S. builds the future in AI in a strong competition with China.
    3. The Myth of the “Regulator”
      The EU system allows for the Commission to act as a government without the accountability of an electorate. Unlike the U.S. system, where the President is directly answerable for the economic state of the union, the Brussels bureaucracy is insulated. Speaking of the state of the union, we can look forward to the address on Tuesday February 24th.This construction of the EU has allowed for a focus on “what-not-rights” signaling and politics while the demographic and economic base erodes.


    A Thatcherite realignment as path forward

    As we face a 15% tariff wall on Tuesday, Europe must decide: How will it move forward, double down on the failed policies of the past, or to return to the European roots of liberty and subsidiarity?
    A “Thatcherite” Europe would recognize that the U.S. is not our enemy, but our mirror. Europe needs to dismantle the bureaucratic silos that stifle innovation. It needs to stop regulating away problems like unemployment and instead change the incentives. If Europe wants American companies to stay and invest in Europe, it must offer them a market that values freedom as much as the U.S. Constitution does.
    Everybody knows that the era of European “freeloading” on American security and trade openness is over. Europe must now adapt or be left behind in the history books.

  • The Red Tape Border: Why Bureaucracy is Stifling the European Spirit

    The European Single Market is founded on the principle of free movement. Yet, as is often the case, the greatest obstacles to this freedom are not physical borders, but the persistent, self-serving red tape of national bureaucracies.

    A prime example is the current debate in Finland. While Estonia, Germany, Italy, and most of the West issue 10-year passports, the Finnish authorities (DVV) cling to a 5-year limit, citing “security concerns” that their peers across the Baltic Sea apparently managed to solve years ago. If you read Finnish here is a link.

    The Absurdity of Divergent Rules
    Consider the logic: Spain recently moved to regularize 500,000 migrants. Once these individuals eventually obtain Spanish citizenship, they will hold 10-year EU passports, allowing them total mobility across the Schengen area. Meanwhile, a citizen in Helsinki must navigate the costs and hurdles of identity verification twice as often.

    Where is the “Single” in our Single Market when document validity remains a fragmented tool for national agencies to justify their own staffing levels?

    A Thatcherite Solution
    “The state has no limits to its appetite for other people’s time and money.” If the European Commission truly wishes to foster mobility, it should focus less on “woke” social engineering and more on harmonizing the practicalities of citizenship documents.

    We do not need more centralized control; we need a commitment to efficiency. If 10 years is sufficient for a citizen in Tallinn or Berlin, it is sufficient for a citizen in Helsinki. It is time to stop measuring bureaucratic success by the number of applications processed and start measuring it by the freedom of the individual to move without unnecessary state intervention.

    CountryValidity Period (Adults)Notes
    Finland5 yearsAuthorities currently resist extension, citing security concerns.
    Estonia10 yearsIncreased from 5 to 10 years in 2017 to reduce red tape.
    Sweden5 yearsStandard since 2005.
    Norway10 yearsStandard.
    Denmark10 yearsStandard.
    Germany10 yearsFor applicants over 24 years of age.
    France10 yearsStandard.
    Italy10 yearsStandard.
    Spain10 yearsFor applicants over 30 years of age (5 years for younger).
    UK10 yearsStandard.
    USA10 yearsStandard (for those 16 or older).
  • The Guardian of the Demos: Why Voter ID is Common Sense, Not Suppression

    As the debate over House Bill 22 heats up in the U.S. Congress, the rhetoric often shifts toward the extremes. On one side, we hear about “voter suppression”; on the other, “stolen elections.” As someone who holds the right to vote in both Finland and the United States, I find the American resistance to voter identification increasingly difficult to reconcile with the basic principles of a modern, functioning democracy.

    This isn’t just a political stance for me; it’s an intellectual one. Years ago, I wrote my Master’s thesis on the “Subject Population in Definitions of Democracy.” I looked at how we historically defined and limited “the people.” Whether it was through income requirements, gender, or race, the definition of the demos has always been a most interesting and contested border in politics. Today, we have settled on age and citizenship as the legitimate boundaries. It was no always so, you had to be free (not a slave) in ancient Athens, and male, citizenship and age was not enough. Criteria has varied over time, sometimes based on for example income or level of education. But here is the catch: whatever way the society defines the right to vote, it seems logical that the person voting can show evidence of the right. For the discussion today about ID, if you cannot verify the identity of the person at the ballot box, your definition of the “subject population” becomes a mere suggestion, not a legal reality.

    The Nordic Gold Standard: Trust Through Verification

    In Finland, and across much of the EU, we operate in a high-trust society. But that trust is not blind; it is built on a foundation of rigorous administrative clarity.

    In the Finnish system, there is no “voter registration” in the American sense. You don’t have to navigate a bureaucratic maze weeks before an election. Because we have a centralized population registry, the state knows who is a citizen and where they live. Before every election, I receive a notification card in the mail—a simple confirmation that I am on the rolls.

    However, when I walk into a polling station in Helsinki, the requirement is absolute: No ID, no vote. Even our “early voting” is a masterpiece of supervised security. It takes place in public libraries, post offices, or town halls, but it is always managed by trained officials who verify your identity on the spot. We don’t view this as a hurdle. We view it as the guarantee that my vote—and my neighbor’s vote—actually counts.

    The American Paradox: High Tech, Rudimentary Systems

    Coming from the Finnish perspective, the American electoral system often feels surprisingly rudimentary. The lack of a national or even state-level standardized identity verification creates a “patchwork” that invites skepticism.

    The current controversy surrounding mail-in ballots is a perfect example. In the U.S., a ballot is often sent to a residence, filled out in private, and mailed back. While convenient, this lacks the “supervised” element that ensures the person marking the ballot is indeed the person registered. When critics in the legacy media label the demand for ID as “undemocratic,” they ignore the fact that almost every other advanced democracy considers ID a prerequisite for a legitimate result.

    If we apply a “Can-do” mindset to this problem, the solution isn’t to abolish security measures to increase participation; it’s to modernize the infrastructure to make identification universal and easy.

    Why ID is a Democratic Value

    To me, requiring an ID is not an attack on democracy; it is an act of respect for the voter.

    • Measurement: As I often say, “If you can’t measure it, you can’t manage it.” If we cannot accurately measure who is voting, we cannot manage the integrity of the outcome.
    • The wäEeave of History: We have moved past the era of excluding people based on race or gender. The only remaining “gate” should be the verification that you are a member of the demos.
    • Innovation: Perhaps we should look at voting at embassies or using digital ID solutions that already exist in Northern Europe.

    We must stop treating the requirement of identification as a “Woke” vs. “MAGA” battlefield. It is a question of system design. In a world of Attention Economy and disinformation, the physical or digital verification of a voter is the last line of defense for the sovereignty of the individual.

    Let’s stop arguing about whether we should verify voters and start discussing how to do it most efficiently. Anything else is just fluff.

  • European alternatives

    There’s a growing interest in European alternatives to US-dominated tech. This is true not only of defense, like Eurofighter Tranche 4 instead of Lockheed Martin F-35, but also for everyday apps in phones and laptops that Europeans use. The main driving force behind this is of course the chaos that the Trump administration has caused at the international scene, turning US policy from white to black. The actions of the Destruction Of Government by Elon, or DOGE have implications not only in the US but globally. Of course there are also other drivers, like the desire for stronger data privacy, aligning with the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). The balance between “sound” regulation and bureaucratic red tape killing innovation and possibilities is still something that the European union has to master.

    Anyway here’s are some possibilities, keeping in mind that the landscape is constantly evolving:

    Mail:ProtonMail (Switzerland): Known for its strong encryption and privacy focus.   Many European hosting providers offer email services with GDPR-compliant data handling.

    Calendars:Often integrated with mail services like ProtonMail. Open-source options like those within the Nextcloud ecosystem.

    Browsers:Opera (Norway): Offers extensive customization and privacy features.  

    AI:Europe is investing heavily in AI research. Companies like DeepL (Germany) are making strides in natural language processing.  There are many european AI research initiatives, and open source projects.  

    Office Packages: LibreOffice (Germany): A powerful open-source office suite, a strong alternative to Microsoft Office.  Nextcloud (Germany) also offers office suite capabilities.

    Alternatives to YouTube: Platforms that use the PeerTube (France) software. PeerTube is a decentralized, federated video platform powered by ActivityPub. This allows for many independant video hosting sites to communicate with eachother.  

    Social Media:Mastodon (Germany): A decentralized, open-source social network, offering an alternative to X (formerly Twitter).  The European Data Protection Supervisor (EDPS) launched the official ActivityPub microblogging platform (EU Voice) of the EU institutions, bodies and agencies (EUIs), based on Mastodon, they hade a two year project 2022 to 2024.

    Search Engines:Qwant (France): Focuses on privacy, avoiding user tracking. Ecosia (Germany): A search engine that plants trees with its profits. Startpage (Netherlands): Focuses on privacy, and returns google search results, but without the tracking.

    Translation:DeepL (Germany): Known for its high-quality translations.

    The “best” choice will of course depend on your specific needs and priorities. Open-source software often relies on community support, which can be a strength but also a potential limitation.  European digital sovereignty is an ongoing process, and the tech landscape will continue to evolve.

    I have started using Opera and Proton, and those work very well for me. Social media is something I try to avoid, especially X and Facebook. Bluesky is boring and also from the US even if it gives you more control.

    I have tried LibreOffice, but my habits using Microsoft Excel are very hard to change. We are after all creatures of habit.